It’s My Party Too is a book addressing moderate Republican voters. The author discusses six important political issues, and she demonstrates how moderate voters win elections. Her main objective is to enlarge the Republican Party into a big tent party. Each of the six chapters becomes personalized as Ms. Whitman shares her unique experiences, then generalizes them into applications for moderate Republicans.
The book is so well written, much of its text is included in this overview.

Chapter One. Does the Right Make Right?

     The Republican Party stands at a critical cross road, which can interpret the 2004 election as a mandate to cater the heads of the far right or focus on the umbrella of Republican values. The conflict is over stem cell research, abortion, gay rights, etc or smaller government, fiscal responsibility, strong national security, etc. "…while winning elections is important, it is every bit important to win them in ways that allow you to govern all the people once ballots are counted"(pg.2). The author notes that rhetoric from the far right shows no willingness to reach out to different groups. She labels conservative Christians as "social fundamentalists". Stating their mission is to advance a narrow ideological agenda.

     In the ’04 election, red/blue states hardly changed. The 3 % margin of victory indicates that the president missed an opportunity to broaden his support in the most populous area. When focusing on just the narrow conservative base, we can ask at what price to the party? As the Democratic Party abandoned the center it once enjoyed, many Americans believed the Democrats didn’t care about them, which serves as a clear reminder: a move to the far right will element voters who believe the Republican Party has abandoned them, too.

     The President didn’t the election with Social Fundamentalist alone. Moderates contributed to his re-election. I.e. At the Republican convention many featured speakers were moderates: Rudy Giuliani, Senator John McCain, Gov. Arnold Swarzenegger, etc. The four days at convention had a huge national impact on voter perception of the President and the Party. Moderate speakers succeeded in drawing support, because they focused on Republican core issues, which left less anger and more unity. There was a sharing under an umbrella of firm commitment to Republican principles.

    Social fundamentalists call moderate Republicans "R.I.N.O.’s, meaning Republicans in Name Only. However, without RINO’s, Republicans would not have won congress in 1994. In the election of 2004, "moderates played an indispensable role". Moderates in the party face a choice; they can go along yielding when push comes to shove, or draw a line in the sand deciding the future of the party is too great to be in the hands of a small group.

     For many reasons, a bitterness exists in congress. What does this bitterness mean for our country and the nation’s future? Moderates know that good policy makes good government, but have been willing to appease the extremes. The social fundamentalist movement has started restricting choices, where choice is an anathema. The party’s leadership insistence on making demands has overshadowed its broader commitment to cutting taxes, containing growth of government, reducing welfare, fighting crime and helping the private sector create jobs. The new breed Republican extremist forget that in order to implement party agenda, the first goal is to win elections. On social issues, race, environment, right to choose, the extremists are pushing views that alienate many main stream voters. If this trend continues, the party will fall too far outside the main stream. Republicans win elections to the broadest number of voters.

….." evenly divided between the parties and when the parties are increasingly turning to their bases to try to win elections, an enormous number of Americans find themselves in the middle of the political spectrum and feel they have no place to go" ( pg.26). The title of her book, Its My Party Too, proclaims her belief that there still is room in the party of Lincoln for those moderates in the middle. The broad principles of the Republican Party have not changed, shared by millions of American voters.

Chapter Two: Whatever Happened to the Big Umbrella?

    " The Republican Party is the party of the future, because it is the party that draws people together not draws them apart" (Dwight Eisenhower, 1956). That Eisenhower party was much more accommodating to a wide range of opinions within its ranks. The expansive, encompassing reach was one of the GOP’s greatest strengths; it was the "big umbrella". Ronald Reagan brought a split party together. Back then, he attracted moderate and conservative Democrats. Politics is not just about winning elections; it is, also, about governing. Accomplishing good in democracy requires according and compromise.

     If Barry Goldwater were running for office today, he would be a "moderate" by some party groups. His views on a woman’s right to chose, gays in the military, restraint of government intrusion into private lives, and stay out of morality issues would be dismissed by social fundamentalists. The 1968 presidential victory by Richard Nixon had two keys: Republican unity and the moderate face the party presented. Nixon’s formula of "run right in the primary, then return to the center for the general election" worked (pg. 60). This attracted conservatives into the party; he did not allow them to control the White House.

     The fall-out of the Watergate scandal opened the door for Ronald Reagan. But the conservative wing of 1980 was different from what is has become today. He was careful not to push away the electorate, when reaching out to the religious right. He managed to successfully center his Reagan Democrats; he knew how to compromise without major political warfare.

     Many present day Republican leaders forgot the Reagan wisdom; " Thou shall not speak ill of thy fellow Republicans". Even with the most socially conservative president, many social fundamentalists complain the president wasn’t conservative enough. These leaders fail to listen to what mainstream voters are saying.

     The Republican Party has failed in listening to the needs of the elderly, the young, and the minorities. Often primaries are contests between most conservative candidates, without their appeal to a broader electorate. Forty per cent of voters regard themselves as moderates; these are people alienated by extreme positions of both parties. And the Republican Party has gained a slim majority by looking beyond its base. It has turned out larger proportions of small parts of the electorate by keeping Republican moderate positions on issues.

    " Lee Atwater used to talk about the Republican Party as a big tent with room enough for all who shared its basic beliefs" (pg.69). However, the author notes that today’s Party is more like a closed umbrella.

Chapter Three: The Party Within the Party

    " There is no doubt in my mind that the rise of the social fundamentalists wing of the GOP is a serious treat to the long term competitiveness of the Republican Party" (pg.71). These far right groups make it nearly impossible for the party to make practical government programs and may lead to the loss of congress and the White House. These leaders are narrow-minded with a tunnel vision; they are a party within the Republican Party.

     They had become the "tail waging the dog". Their religious faith motivated their efforts. However, our constitution sets a boundary between our civil and religious institutions. The GOP does not exclude people of any religious faith; neither should they seek to impose their religious beliefs, through instruments of government, on fellow citizens. Social fundamentalists are often called "conservatives", but this identification misrepresents what a conservative is.

     Being conservative includes the ability, the right, and the respect of individuals to make their own decisions about economic, social, and spiritual issues (pg.73). But, social fundamentalists are pushing too use government power to further their agenda, which is inconsistent with true conservatism.

    Social fundamentalists are a separate group within the Party. In 2004, the Republican platform committee added this language, "…members of our party can have deeply held and sometimes differing views." This diversity is strength

Chapter Four: Reclaiming Lincoln’s Legacy

     The EPA problem of discrimination about discriminating against African Americans stands as an example. The agency had a severe discrimination problem, which was perpetuated by the Clinton administration. The author notes that the press did little to report on this discrimination issue.

     "There is no escaping the fact that the Party of Lincoln has not always carried the mantle of Lincoln", George W. Bush (pg.101). As director of the EPA, Christy Todd Whitman made the problem with discrimination an immediate priority. With the assistance from a black minister, discrimination cases were addressed, reducing the backlog by 90 per cent. The re-direction of resolution and energy received very little attention. The media’s mindset of Democrats could do no wrong, Republicans could do no right, persisted.

     Historically, Republican candidates received about 40 per cent of black vote, until 1964. That was when Barry Goldwater received the party’s endorsement as presidential candidate. In that election, the black vote dropped to 9 per cent.  Even though the GOP has strongly supported civil rights initiatives, the party has not done a good job in publicizing that fact. President Eisenhower established the U.S. Civil Rights Commission. The first black person elected to the U.S. Senate in 1966 was Edward Brooke of Massachusetts. In 1969, 68 per cent of black students attended segregated schools in the south; with focus from Nixon’s cabinet Commission on Education, segregation was reduced to 8 per cent. During his presidency, early/ first affirmative action plans were begun. Also, the first African American Supreme Court justice was appointed by President Bush.

     African Americans turned hostile toward the GOP as a result of the party’s overt actions. Earlier, Goldwater need white Southern voters, who were upset over the Civil Rights movement: a "southern strategy". By solidifying this base in the south, the party has solidified resentment of African American voters nation wide. " As southern Democrats came into the party through one door, African American left through another" (pg. 109).
The GOP’s failure to engage African American voters has allowed the Democrats to take African American voters for granted. There is a wide middle ground on race issues, but the Republican Party has not effectively claimed it. However, a number of prominent African American leaders have begun questioning the Democratic Party’s practices. And failure to attract a significant per cent of American voters becomes a major barrier for the Republican Party.

     However, the author believes the GOP can make progress and earn respect of African American voters. The party need to "think racially", that is making certain minorities take part in events, decision-making and get recognition. Include large issues for consideration like taxes, trade opportunities and access to capital. It is a golden opportunity to speak to them concerning economic growth and vitality. It is about creating a better future. A few efforts, faith based initiatives, are not enough. The party needs a comprehensive strategy and fully engage voters into its fabric.

Chapter Five: This Land Is Our Land

     This chapter is about the environment issue. During the past thirty-five years, conditions have improved under Republican presidents through several federal programs: The National Environmental Policy Act (Nixon); The Endangered Species Act (Nixon); The Safe Drinking Water Act (Ford); The Toxic Substances Control Act (Ford); The Emergency Planning and Community Right To Know Act (Reagan); The Oil Pollution Act (Bush41), and The Brownfield Revitalization Act (Bush43). These are a few of the new federal programs.

     In recent years, a goodly amount of support for environmental protection comes from Republican legislation. Yet, polls show the Republican Party is perceived as anti-environmental. Unfortunately, thee is a highly charged atmosphere surrounding environmental issues. Fortunately, the GOP has strong arguments to make about specific and certain product regulations. However, better-designed policies would help with the public’s perception.

     The party has made great progress in past years, which is in a position to harness integrity of American business. Acting responsibly toward the environment, business helps its own reputation, and its bottom line yields profit. And as EPA Director, Christy Todd Whitman accepted this national challenge. Her chapter about America’s environment compares and contrasts the Bush Administration’s effort (pg.155-167). She included a discussion of the Kyoto Protocol (pg.169-173).

Chapter Six: A Woman In The Party

     In his first term in office, President Bush appointed more women to high-ranking offices than any other president. The Republican Party was ahead on this issue. Republicans should remain concerned that the gender gap remains. The Party has women organizations that encourage women to get involved in politics.
Challenges that women face is real: balancing family with career, etc. The electorate holds women in politics to a different standard. The author notes that voters are tougher on women than male politicians. Women are underrepresented in politics.

     Life in politics is a good career for women, but there are impediments such as long hours, unpredictable schedules, and fluctuating pressures. Sexism is, also, present. I.e. Studies show women not being as tough as men. Since the 1980’s, voters are more accepting of women candidates. Chrsity Todd Whitman was the first woman elected as Governor of New Jersey, which is a milestone.

     Putting women in office is greater than equity. When more women are involved in politics, a different perspective and life experience comes into focus. Women’s ways of problem solving differs from men’s; there is a greater sense of teamwork.

Chapter Seven: A Time for Radical Moderates

     The crux of this book centers on moderate voters. The author cites examples where moderate Republicans have been shoved off stage for Social Fundamentalists. Thought her writings, she exhorts moderates to remain involved and participate in governing.

     In a panel discussion at the 2004 Republican Convention, it was argued that the party should move to the center of the political spectrum. Centrists have failed to assert what they stand for. " Its time for centrists to become radical moderates---people who fight for what they believe" (pg. 228). Moderates need to become activists. That is, activists for a sensible center based on Republican Principles.

     Stop over thinking issues, rather than taking nuances, was the author’s advice. Create an atmosphere where people can work together to achieve things, and work together from a specific strategy. These important issues, such as fiscal restraint, open discussions concerning social problems, the environment and foreign policy, should become the party’s priority.

     Moderates must build robust grassroots networks. Organizations exist to develop wider agendas: Republican Majority for Choice, The Main Street Coalition, and Republican Leadership Council. Each has its own web site. Moderates need to identify and support Republican leaders, then unify behind theses candidate during elections.

     Because American politics has become so polarized and extreme, American voters stayed away by the millions in 2004. With a sense of optimism, the author thinks this trend can be reversed. Moderates have this opportunity to chart a different direction in the party. By doing so, a centrist position will attract more African American, Hispanic and women voters. Working for the future begins at the grassroots level.